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Last week, the Supreme Court told the country that Colorado cannot bar licensed counselors from engaging in conversion therapy with minors the way the state tried to. In an 8-1 decision, the Court treated the law as a First Amendment problem and said Colorado was regulating speech based on viewpoint. Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson, alone in dissent, warned that the ruling “opens a dangerous can of worms” by threatening states’ ability to regulate medical care and protect people from harm. 

That is the legal story. But it is not the whole story.

Because once you move past the Court’s clean language about speech, what we are really talking about is whether a state can stop licensed professionals from trying to “correct” children whose identities offend somebody else’s beliefs. And that matters because conversion therapy is not some unsettled treatment sitting in a gray area. Major medical and mental health bodies say it lacks evidence of efficacy and carries serious risks of harm. The American Psychiatric Association says the practice rests on the assumption that diverse sexual orientations and gender identities are mental illnesses and concludes that conversion therapies lack efficacy and may carry significant risks of harm. 

And let’s be honest about the irony.

We are living in a moment when actual free speech concerns do not seem to move the country with nearly this much urgency. Just last month, the Committee to Protect Journalists said First Amendment liberties in the United States have come under threat “in ways not seen in generations,” pointing to the arrest of two journalists covering protests in Minnesota and the raid on the home of a Washington Post reporter. So it is worth asking why this is the speech claim that gets elevated so forcefully. Why, in a country that so often shrugs when marginalized people, protesters, or journalists are punished for what they say, is this the hill so many powerful people suddenly want to die on? 

That question opens up the real conversation.

Because the U.S. does not defend speech evenly. It never has. It tends to become most principled about “free expression” when the expression helps preserve an old hierarchy. When the speech in question helps reinforce who is normal, who is deviant, who gets to belong without apology, and who is expected to be corrected, the rhetoric suddenly becomes very noble. Suddenly, we are told this is about liberty. Suddenly, harm becomes hard to name.

Black people should recognize that move on sight.

We know what it means for this country to call domination guidance. We know what it means for institutions to call coercion care, punishment protection, and humiliation discipline. We know what it means to be told the violence being done to us is actually for our own good. That is why this cannot be dismissed as somebody else’s issue. The pattern is too familiar.

And conversion therapy did not come out of nowhere. It belongs to a much older American tradition of pathologizing difference and then building institutions to manage it. 

Scholars tracing the history of marriage and family therapy have shown how the field’s early development was entangled with eugenics, including the influence of Paul Popenoe, a prominent eugenicist later known as the father of marriage counseling. That history matters because it reminds us that the helping professions in this country have not always been about healing; they have also been used to sort people into the fit and the unfit, the acceptable and the suspect. 

That is the perspective shift I want readers to sit with.

When a society decides that certain people are a problem, it does not always start with open cruelty. Sometimes it starts with experts. With diagnoses. With treatment plans. With soft voices in professional offices. It starts by taking prejudice and giving it a vocabulary of concern. That is how harmful ideology survives history: it evolves. It learns new language. It trades in the old uniform for a lab coat, a counseling license, a policy brief, and a constitutional argument.

That is what conversion therapy looks like to me. Not some new moral debate. Not some brave act of dissent. An evolution of an old tactic.

And the history here is too long, and the record is too clear, for the country to pretend otherwise. The American Medical Association’s issue brief says evidence does not support the supposed efficacy of sexual-orientation change efforts and notes that these practices may cause significant psychological distress. It also cites studies finding long-term harm, including depression, anxiety, lowered self-esteem, intrusive imagery, sexual dysfunction, social isolation, and elevated suicide risk. One study cited in the brief found that 77% of participants reported significant long-term harm. 

There is another detail in that same medical brief that should especially matter to Black readers: racial inequity. The AMA notes that Black and Hispanic Black men were more likely to report experiencing conversion therapy than non-Hispanic white men. So even when people talk about this as some abstract culture-war dispute, the burden has not been abstract. It has landed unevenly, as so many other harms in this country do. 

That is why the word therapy itself needs to be challenged. Therapy sounds like help. Therapy sounds like healing. Therapy sounds like a person being cared for. But when the goal is to make someone less gay, less trans, less visibly themselves, what is actually being offered is not care. It is social correction with a professional sheen.

Put even more plainly: if a licensed professional built an entire practice around making Black children more acceptable to whiteness, no serious person would call that a beautiful example of viewpoint diversity. We would call it what it is: stigma with credentials. We would understand that the problem was not just the words being spoken, but the underlying belief that the child, as they are, is wrong and needs reshaping. People need to look at conversion therapy through that angle, too.

That is why Justice Jackson’s dissent mattered so much. She refused the abstraction. She refused to pretend this case was about somebody “speaking in the ether.” She said plainly that Chiles was providing therapy to minors as a licensed healthcare professional, and she warned that the Court’s reasoning threatens states’ ability to regulate medical care in any respect. In other words, she insisted on talking about the real-world setting where power is operating: adult professional, child patient, state oversight, known risk. 

And there is one more thing the country should not be allowed to hide from: this practice has survived not because the evidence changed, but because the branding changed. The Center for American Progress described the current push as part of a decades-long effort by the far right to mainstream conversion practices even though they have been thoroughly discredited. CAP notes that these practices have been repeatedly renamed over time — aversion therapy, reparative therapy, change efforts, and more recently “gender exploratory therapy.” The point of the rebrand is obvious: when the old name becomes embarrassing, find a cleaner one and keep the same project moving. 

That, too, is a deeply “American” habit.

We rename things when the truth becomes too ugly to defend directly. We do it with policy. We do it with punishment. We do it with surveillance. We do it with censorship. And apparently, we are still doing it with conversion therapy. Once “shock therapy” and overt cruelty became impossible to publicly romanticize, the language shifted. Now the same controlling impulse comes dressed as counseling, conscience, faith, parental concern, and free speech.

But history is still history, even when you update the marketing.

By 2026, there is simply too much evidence of harm, too little evidence of efficacy, and too much history behind this practice for anybody to treat this as a fresh intellectual disagreement. We know what it looks like when a society decides some people need to be corrected into acceptability. 

We know what happens when identity gets turned into diagnosis, when professional authority joins hands with cultural panic, when the state steps back and says the market of ideas should sort it out. Too often, what gets sorted out is who is considered fully human without revision.

That is why this ruling is so disturbing. Not only because of what it may mean for laws in Colorado and other states. But because of what it reveals about the country. About which harms can be repackaged as liberty. About whose dignity remains negotiable. About how quickly a discredited practice can be cleaned up and offered back to the public as principle. AP reported that the ruling could make similar laws in about two dozen states unenforceable. That is not some small procedural fight. That is a signal. 

And Black readers, especially, should hear it clearly.

Oppressive ideologies do not stay in one lane. They travel. They adapt. They rehearse themselves on one group and then expand. So even in a moment when many people are exhausted, under attack, and struggling to hold space for anybody else’s pain, this issue still deserves our attention. Not because every struggle is identical, but because the logic underneath them keeps rhyming.

The most dangerous thing about conversion therapy is not only what it does to the people subjected to it. It is what it says about a country still willing to call damage freedom, still willing to call correction care, and still willing to dress an old hierarchy in the language of rights.

Last week, the Court called that free speech.

History should make us call it something else.

SEE ALSO:

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SCOTUS Conversion Therapy Ruling Rebrands Harm As 'Help' was originally published on newsone.com